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International Workingmens* Association

Resolutions of the Congress of Geneva, 1366

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THE

INTERNATIONAL

WORKING MEN'S

ASSOCIATION.

Office of General Council : — 25 6, Hian HOLBORN, W.C.

Eesolutions of the Congress of Geneva, 1866, and the Congress of Brussels, 1868.

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RESOLUTIONS

OP THE

FIRST AND THIRD CONGRESSES

OP THE

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I.

Resolutions of First Congress Assembled at Geneva, September, 1886.

As SOME of the resolutions passed at the first Congress may be considered as part of the platform of principles of the International Working Men's Association, and the reports of that congress have had but a limited circulation, the General CouncH deems it advisable to republish them with the issue of the resolutions passed at the last Congress,

Amongst the various subjects that came under the consideration of the first — the Geneva Congress — the Ibl lowing are the most important : —

1. International combination of efforts, by the agency of the Association, in the struggle between labour and capital.

a. From a general point of view, this question embraces the whole activity of the International Associattbti, which aims at combining and generalising the till now disconnected efforts for emancipation by the working classes in different countries.

6. To counteract the intrigues of capitalists always reedy, in cases of strikes and lockouts, to misuse the workman of one coun- try as a tool against tl e workman of another, is one of the particu- lar functions which our society has hith-rto performed vsith success. It is one of the great purposes of the Association to make the w( rkmeri of different countries not only feel but act as rethren and comrades in the army of emancipution

c. One great " Intpmational combination of efforts will be a statistical inquiry into the situation of the working classes of all civilized ciuntries to bo instituted by the working classes themselves." To act with any success, the materials to b« acted upon must be known. By initiating so great a work, the working men will prove their ability to take their own fate into their own hands.

The Congress therefore proposes that in «ach locality where branches of our Association exist, the work be immediately com- menced, and evidence collected on the different points specified in the subjoined scheme of inquiry ; the Congress invites the working men of Europe and the United States of America to co-operate in gathering the elements of the statistics of the work- ing class ; reports and evidence to be forwarded to the central council. The central council shall elaborate them into a general report, adding the evidence as an appendix. This report, to- gether with its appendix, shall be laid before the next annual con- gress, and after having received its sanction, be printed at the ex- panse of the association.

General scheme of inquiry, which may of course be modified by each locality. 1. Industry, name of. 2. Age and sex of the employed. 3. Number of the employed. 4. Salaries and wages ; (a) apprentices; (6) wages by the day or by piece work; scale paid by middle men. Weekly, yearly average. 5. (a) Hours of work in factories, (h) The hours of work with small employ- ers and in homework, if the business be carried on in those differ- ent modes, (c) Kightwork and day work. 6. Mealtimes and treatment, 7. Sort of workshop and work; overcrowding, dt-fec- tive ventilation, want of sunlight, use of gaslight, cleanliness, &c. 8. Nature of occupation. 9 Effect ot employment upon the physical condition. 10. Moral condition. Education 11. State of trade: whether season trade, or more or less uni- formly distributed over the year, whether greatly fluctuating, whe- ther exposed to foreign competition — whether destined principally for home or foreign consumption, &c.

2. — Limitation of the working day.

A preliminary condition, without which all further attempt* at improvement and emancipation must prove abortive, ii the legal

limitation of the working day. It is needed to restore the health and physical energies of the working class — that is the great body of every nation, as well as to secure them the possibility ol in- tellectual development, social intercourse, social and political action.

The Congress proposes eight hours work as the legal limit of the working day. This limitation being generally claimed by the workmen of the United States of America, the vote of the congress will raise it to the common platform of the wcrking classes all over the world. Nightwork to be but exceptionally permitted, in trades or branches of trades specified by law. The tendency must be to suppress all nightwork. Tl.is paragraph refers only to adult persons, male or female, the latter, however, to be rigorously ex- cluded from all nightwork whatever, and all sort of work hurtful to the delicacy of the sex, or exposing their bodies to poisonous and otherwise deleteiious agencies. By adult persons are meant all persons having reached or passed the age of 18 years.

3. Juvenile and children's labour (both sexes).

The congress considers the tendency of modern industry to make children and youniJC persons of both sexes co-operate in the great work of social production, a^ a progressive, sound and legiti- mate tendency, although, under the dominat on of capital, it has become an abomination. In a rational state of society every child whatever, from the age of nine years, ought to become a pro- ductive labourer in the same way that no able-bodied adult person ought to be exempt from the general law of nature, viz. : to work in order to be able to eat, and work not only with the brain but with the hands too. However, for the present, we have only to deal with the children and young persons belonging to the working people. They ought to be divided into three classes, to be treated differently ; the first class to range from 9 to 12 ; the second, from 13 to 15 ; and the *.hird, to comprise the ages of 16 and 17 years. We propose that the employment of the firs-t class in any workshop or housework be legally restricted to two; that of the second, to four; and that of the third, to six hours. For the third cla»s, there must be a break of at least one hour for meals or relaxation. It may be desir- able to begin elementary school instiuctioD bcfor'? t,^e age of nine years ; but we deal hrie only with the uioht indispensable

antidotes ag-hinst the tendencies of a social sygtem which degradei tho working man into a mere instrument for the accumulation of capit.'il, and tmnsforms parents hy theirnecessi ties into slave-holders, t-elNrs of tlieir own children. Thi' right of children and young persons must be vindicated. Tliey are unable to act for them- 8"lves. Jt is, therefore, the duty of society tenet on their behalf. If the mitldle and higher classes neglect th»-ir duties towards their ntfspring, it is their own fault. Sharing the ^rivileg.'s of th-^se el sses, the child is condemned to suffer from their prejudices. 'Ihe case ot t e workitig class stands quite ditft-rent. The work- ing man in no free agent. In too many cases, he is even too ignorant to understand the true interest of his child, or the normal conditions of human development. However, the H)ore enlightened part of the working class fully understand that the future of their class, and, thirefore, of mankind, aUogethi-r d -pends upt>n the formation of the rising working generiUiou. They know that, before everything else, the children and juvenile workers must be saved from the crushing efrVcts of the present system. This can only be effected by converting social reason into social lorce, and under given circumstances, there exists no other method of doing FO, than through general laws, enforced by the poAer of the state. In enforcing such laws, the working-class do not fortity govern- mental power. On the contrary, they transform that power, now used against them, into their own agency. They eileet by on.' gt^ncral act what they wouiti vainly attempt by a multitude of isolated individual efforts. Proceeding iVomthis standpoint, we s.iy that no parent and no employer ought to be allowed to u>e juvenile labour, except when combined with education. liy education we understand three things. P'irstly : Mental education, btcondly : ]3odily education, such as is given in schools, by gymnastics, and by military exercise. Thirdly; i echnological training, which iuiparts th" ;,'fneral jninciuKs of all proces.ses of })roduction. and, siniultaneoi.siy initiates the child and young persou in the practical use and handling of the elementary instruments of all trades. A gradual and progressive course of mental, gynmustio, and techno- logical tiaiiiing ought to correspond with the ch SMillcation of the juvenile labourers. The costs of the technological schools ought to be partly met by the sale of their products. Tlie combination of paid productive labour, mental education, bodily exercise and poly-

technic training, will raise the working class far above the level of the higher and middle classes. It is self-understood that the employment of all persons from 9 and to 17 years (inclusively) in night work and all health-injuring trades must be strictly prohibited by law.

4. — Co-operative labour.

It is the business of the International Working Men's Associa- tion to combine and generalise the spontaneous movements of the working classes, but not to dictate or impose any doctrinary system whatever. The congress shall, therefore, proclaim no special system of co-operation, but limit itself to the enunciation of a few general principles.

(a) We acknowledge the co-operative movement as one of the transforming forces of the present society based upon class an- tagonism. Its great merit is to practically show, that the present pauperising, and despotic system of the subordination of labour to capital can be superseded by the republican and beneficent system of the association of free and equal producers.

(6) Restricted, however, to the dwarfish forms into which individual wages slaves can elaborate it by their efforts, the co- operative system will never transform capitalistic society. To con- vert social prod action into one large and harmonious system of free co-operative labour, general social changes are wanted, changes of the general conditions of society, never to be realised save by the transfer of the organised forces of society, viz.: the State power, from capitalists and landlords to the producers themselves.

(c) We recommend to the working men to embark in co- operative production rather than in co-operative stores. The latter touch but the surface of the present economical system, the former attacks its groundwork.

(d.) We recommend to all co-operative societies to convert one part of their joint income into a fund for propagating their principles by example as well as by precept, in other words, by pro- moting the establishment of nev/ co-operative fabrics as well as by teaching and preaching.

(e) In order to prevent co-operative soci^t'es from degenerating into ordinary-middle class joint-stock companies (.soci6tes par actions), all workmen employed, whether shareholders or not, ought

to ahare alike. As a mere temporary expedient, we are willing to

allow shareholders a low rate of interest.

5, — Trades' Unions. Their past, present, and future.

(a) Their past.

Capital is concentrated social force, while the workman has only to dispose of his individual working? force. The contract between capi- tal and labour can therefore never be struck on equitable ter ms, equit- able even in the sense of a society which places the ownership of the material means of life and labour on one side and the vital productive energies on the opposite side. The only social power of the work- men is their number. The force of numbers, however, is broken by disunion. The disunion of the workmen is created and per- petuated by their unavoidable competition amongst themselves. Trades' Unions originally sprung up from spont-neous attempt of workmen at removing or at least checking that competition in order to conquer such terms of contract as might r'ise them at least above the condition of mere slaves. The i i mediate object of Trades' Unions was therefore confined tc e^vrydi y necessitips, to expedients for the obbtruction of the incessant encroachments of capital ; in one word, to questions of wages and time of labour. This activity of the Trades' Unions is not only legitimate, it is necessary. It cannot be dispensed with so long as the present system of production lasts. On the contrary, it must be generalised by the formation and combination of Trades' Unions throughout all countries. On the other hand, unconsciously to themselves, the Trades' Unions were forming centres of organization of the work- ing class, as the mediaeval municipalities and conmiuneii di\ for the middle class. If the Trades' Unions are required for the guerilla fights between capital and labour, they are still more important as organized agencies for superseding the verj^ system of wages labour.

(ft) Their present.

Too exclusively bent upcr the ocal and immediate struggle* with capital, the Trades' Unions have not yet fuU^ understood their power of action against the system of wages slavery itielf. 'I'hev therefore kept too much aloof from general and polijiciil movements. Of late, however, they seem to awaken to some sense of their prrat histori<'iil mission, as ajipears, for instance, from their participation, in England, in the recent political movement ;

from the enlarged views taken of their functions in the United States, and from the following resolution passed at the recent great conference of Trades' delegates at Sheffield : — " That this con- ference, fully appreciating the efforts made by the International Association to unite in one common bond of brotherhood the work- ing men of all countries, most earnestly recommend to the various societies here represented, the advisability of becommg affiliated to that body, believing that it is essential to the progress and pros- perity of the entire working community."

(c) Their future.

Apart from their original purposes they m:ist now learn to act deliberately as organising centres of the working class in the broad interest of its complete emancipation. They must aid every social and political movement tending in that direition. Con- sidering themselves and acting as the champions and represen- tatives of the whole working class, they cannot fail to enlist the non-society men into their ranks. They must look carefully after the interests of the worst jaid trades, such as the agricultural labourers, rendered powerless by exceptional circumstances. They must convince the world at large that their efforts, far from being narrow and selfish, aim at the emancipation of the downtrodden millions.

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II.

Resolutions of Third Congress Assembled

at Brassels, in September, 1868. .

Trades Unions and Strikes.

Resolved — 1. That strikes are not a means to the complete emancipation of the working classes, but are frec^uently a neces- sity in the actual situation of the struggle between labour and capital

2. That it is requisite to subject th«m to certain rules of organ- ization, opportunity, and le;^itiraacy.

3. In such trades where no unions and benefit societies exist as yet, it is necessary to create them. The unions of nil trades and countries must combine. In each local federation of trade societies a fund destined to support strikes ought to be established. In one word, the work undertaken by the International Working Men's Asstjciation is to be continued so as to make the working men enter the association en masse.

4. It is necessiry to appoint in each locality a ccMumittee consisting of delegates of the various societies, who shall act as umpires, deciding eventually upon the advisability and legitimacy of strikes. For the rest the diftVrent sec; ions will, of rourse, in the modo of appointing those councils, follow the particular manners, habits, and laws of their respective places.

The Effects of Machinery in the Hands of the Capitalist Class.

Considering that on the one side machinery has proved a most powerful instrument of despotism and extortion in th»' han«ls of the capitalist class, that on the other side the development of machini'rv creates the material conditions necejsarv for the

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superseding of the wages system by a truly social system of pro- duction.

Considering that machinery will render no real service to the working men until by a more equitable, social organisation, it be put into their own possession, the congress declares —

1. That it is only by means of co-operative associations and an organisation of mutual credit that the producer can obtain possession of machinery.

2. That even in the existing state of things it is possible for working men organised in trade societies to enforce some guaran- tees or compensation in cases of sudden displacement by machinery.

Credit Institutions for tJie Working Classes

Con<iidering 1. That interest and profit of every kind accruing to capital, whatever form it may assume, is a black mail levied upon the*labour of to-day for the benefit of him whom the labour of yesterday has already enriched, and that if he has the right to accumulate, he has no right to do so at the expense of others ;

2. That, therefore, the interest on capital is a permanent source of injustice and inequality, and that the co-operative associations by continuing this practice, do simply transfer the principle of egotism— the gnawing worm of the actual state of society — from the individuality to the collectivity ;

3. That the application of the principle of solidarity on a large scale is the only pi actical means at the disposal of the working class to struggle against the moneyed interest ;

The Congress believes the foundation of banks of exchange, based upon cost price, to be the means of rendenng credit demo- cratic and equal, of simplifying the relations between producer and consumer, of withdrawing labour from the domination of capital, and reducing the latter to its natural and legitimate function, that of being the agent of labour.

Considering, hov.ever, that it is not possible to pronounce at once upon the immediate practicability of banks of exchange,

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The Congress, while maintaining the theoretical affirmation of mutual credit, recommends that the project of rules presented by tiie Brussels section be sent to all the branches and submitted to their serious discussion, and that the next Congress decide upon it.

The English, German, and some Swiss delegates abstained from voting-

The Question of Education.

Cognisant that it is impossible at present to organise a rational sjstem of education, the Congress invites the different secti(>ns to establish courses of public lectures on scientific and economical subjects, and thus to remedy as much as possible the short comings of the education actually received by the working man. It is understood that the reduction of the hours of labour is an indispensable preliminary condition of any true system of education.

Property m Land, Mines, Railroads, &c.

1, In relation to mines, collieries, railways, &c. — Considering that these great productive forces are fixed in, and occupy a large portion of the soil, the common gift ( f nature,

'i'hat they can only be worked by means of machinery and a c«ill<ctive labour power,

'I'hat the machinery and the collective labour power, which to- day exist only for the ndvantage of the capitalists, ought in future to benefit the whole people ;

The (^)ngre8s resolves —

a. That the quarriis, collier'es, and other mines, as well as the railways, ought in a normal state of society to belong to the com- munity represented by the state, a state itself subject to the laws of •iistictt.

h. That the quarries, collieries, and other mines, and railways, be let by the stat*.-, not to (omjiaiiies of cajiitalists as at pnsint, but to conipaniis of workiiiLT intn bound by contract to guarantie

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to society the rational and scientific working of the railways, etc., at a price as nearly as possible approximate to the working eapense. The same contract ought to reserve to the state the right to verify the accounts of the companies, so as to prevent the possibility of any reconstitution of monopolies. A second contract ought to guarantee the mutual rights of each member of the companies in respect to his fellow workmen.

2. In Relation to Agricultural Property : — Considering that the necessities of production and the application of the known laws of agronomy require culture on a large scale, and necessitate the introduction of machinery and the organisation of agricultural labour power, and that generally modern economical development tends to agriculture on a large scale ;

Considering, that consequently agricultural labour and property in arable soil ought to be put on the same footing as mines ;

Considering that the productive properties of the soil are the prime materials of all products, the prime source of all means of produc- tion, and of all desirable things that cost no labour ;

The Congress thinks that the economical development of modern society will create the social necessity of converting arable land into the common property of societj^j and of letting the soil on behalf of the state to agricultural companies under conditions analagous to those stated in regard to mines and railways.

3. In Kelation to Canals, Highways and Telegraphs. — Con- sidering that the roads and other means of communication require a common social direction, the Congress thinks they ought to remain the common property of society.

4. In Relation to Forests. — Considering that the abandonment of f orests to private individuals causes the destruction of woods necessary for the conservation of springs, and, as a matter of course, of the good qualities of the soil, as well as the health and lives of the population, the Congress thinks that the forests ought to remain the property of society.

Reduction of the Hours of Labour.

A resolution having been unanimously passed by the Congrei* of Geneva, 1866, to the effect that the legal limitation of th«

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working day is a preliminary condition to all ulterior social im- prov(!ment of the working classc s, the Congress is of opinion that the time has arrived when practical effect should be given to that resolution, and that it has become the duty of all the branches to agitate that question practically in the different countries where the International Working Men's Association is established.

War and Standing Armies.

Considering that our sccial institution as well as the centralisa- tion of political power, are a permanent cause of war, which can only be removed by a thorough social reform ; that the people even now car diminish the number of wars by opposing those who declare and make war; that this concerns above all the working classes, who have almost exclusively to shed their blood ; that to do this there is a practical and legal means which can be immediately acted upon ; that as the body politic could not go on for any length of time without labour, it would suffice f«»r the working men to strike work to render war impo?sil»le ; the International Working Men's Congress recommends to all the sections, and to the members of working men's societies in par- ti'^ular and to the working classes in general, to cease work in case a war be declared in their country. The Congress counts upon the spirit of solidarity which animates the working men of all countries, and entertains a h(»pe that means would not be wanting in such an emergency to sui)port the people against their gov( rn- mcnt.

Reply to the Invitation of the League of

Peace.

K The delegates of the International Working Men's Congress who may attend the Peace Congress at Berne are instructed to carry with them the resolutions passed at the Congresses of Geneva, Lausanne, and I3russcl», and lay them before the Peace Congress ;

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but any discussions, resolutions, or action arising out of it will be at their peisonal responsibility.

2. The delegates of the International Working Men's Congress declare tiat the League of Peace and Liberty has no raison cVetre in the presence of the eflforts of the Liternational Working Men's Association, and invite the members of that League to enter the different sections of the International Working Men's Association in their respective countries.

Resolution passed by the German Delegates.

" We, the German delegates at the International Working Men's Congress at Brussels, recommend to the working men of all countries the work of Karl Marx : " Das Kapital," published last year, and urge upon them the desirability of endeavouring to cause that important work to be translated into those languages into which it has not yet been translated. Marx has the inestimable merit of being the first political economist who has scientifically analysed capital and dissolved it into its component parts.''

The Statistical Inquiry into the Situation of the Working Classes.

Appeal of the General Oouneil at London to the Workmen of Europe and America.

Various causes, over which the council had no control, have hitherto prevented the completion of the statistical inquiry, but it is by no means abandoned. On the contrary its necessity and importance become more manifest every day, and the council counts upon the fraternal co-operation of the leaders of the work- ing class to bring the undertaking to a successful issue on an early day.

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15 Resolutions of the Congress

of Geneva, 1866

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